Many people believe that the 2004 Presidential Election
is one of the most critical in the history of the Republic.
The election in 2000 saw tens of thousands of voters
deliberately and systematically disenfranchised in the
state of Florida. The Governor of that state, his Secretary
of State, and a Justice of the United States Supreme
Court, in combination, by obstructing the democratic
process, allowed the incumbent to become President,
while his opponent would appear to have won the election.
There are signs that the upcoming election could further
erode voting rights by means of electronic voting machines
with no paper ballot, manufactured by avowed supporters
of the Republican cause. The question is, under such
circumstances, where the Republic itself appears to
be at stake, what is one to do?
The obvious answer is to vote for the Democratic challenger
and hope for the best. But there are strong voices arguing
otherwise. Some say vote for Nader. Some insist that
we should not vote at all. Another voice argues that
is not about the President but about the Presidency.
In an effort to give readers an opportunity to think
out a position which is informed, carefully reasoned
and responsible, we have gathered various viewpoints
for them to ponder. They represent a variety of perspectives.
Some you will find interesting. Some you will find irritating.
Give them all a try before you make up your mind. We
hope that you will take advantage of this opportunity
and that will get your friends, relatives and neighbors
involved. Let's see what they think. That's what democracy
is about: debate and disagreement
It has been our intention to give committed and articulate
representation to each position. If the writing in support
of Kerry lacks enthusiasm, this does not reflect an
editorial choice. Rather, it is a reflection of available
commentary.
DON'T VOTE:
"Mass Refusal."
"Refuse
To Vote For President In 2004,"
by John Spritzler
VOTE FOR
KERRY
"Kerry:
No W. (& No Bill),"
by David Corn.
Source:
thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=20040802&s=corn
EXCERPTS
A friend
of mine in Los Angeles reports listening to a radio
station that caters to middle-class African-Americans
and hearing repeatedly from hosts and callers that there's
little difference between George W. Bush and John Kerry.
"People keep saying they're both Skull and Bones guys,"
she says. "So why bother?"
It's a pity
our political system doesn't produce a more diverse
range of choices. It's also a pity that some voters
don't discern the Texas-size gap between these two Yalies.
And it is troubling that polls show Bush voters to be
more committed to their man than Kerry voters are to
theirs.... Yet it is important that Democrats and potential
Kerry voters perceive him--and talk about him--as more
than an Anybody-but-Bush placeholder.
That's not
always easy... [Kerry] has voted consistently for abortion
rights--earning a 100 percent rating from Planned Parenthood--but
when asked about abortion he ruminated that he might
consider appointing an antiabortion judge to a lower
bench. His supporters shook their heads. His foes claimed
it as evidence of his "flip-flopping" ways. So, a stalwart
choice supporter found himself explaining a position
that should need no explanation.
On the Iraq
war, Kerry voted to grant Bush authority to attack but
called on him to try all other options and create a
truly multilateral coalition before launching an invasion.
He did not support the war, as some detractors on the
left charge, but he did enable it. That, too, has required
explaining. Nowadays, he gets criticism from progressives
for not presenting a bold plan for extricating us from
Iraq.... [Yet] it ... is not unreasonable for him and
his supporters to claim as key talking points that (a)
Kerry would not have created this mess in the first
place and (b) he is better equipped to deal with the
problems Bush has spawned. This is not a bold argument,
but it has the benefit of plausibility.
Even if the
former war hero turned antiwar leader cannot offer an
audacious peace plan, Kerry has other assets that should
jazz up Democrats and progressives. As GOPers note ceaselessly,
the National Journal rated him the most liberal
member of the Senate. Shouldn't libs be overjoyed to
have their number-one supporter as the nominee? Kerry
has been a steady pal of environmentalists; he calls
for an energy-independence initiative that would boost
alternative energy. He advocates raising the minimum
wage and spending hundreds of billions to expand healthcare
coverage. (It's not universal health insurance, but
it's a stab at the problem.) He fought against Bush's
tax cuts for the wealthy. He has championed arms control.
He led the charge against Reagan's covert war in Central
America and mounted a gutsy investigation exposing connections
between the CIA-backed contra rebels and drug
runners. With his probe of the crooked BCCI bank--a
financial haven for terrorists, shady businessmen and
spy services, including the CIA--he took on corruption
that extended into his own party. He has endorsed full
public financing of elections.
Kerry did
support NAFTA, and he has proposed corporate tax cuts
to spur investments. He once raised questions about
the political costs of affirmative action (while still
backing such programs). He's not a Wellstone Democrat....
[His] post-primary lurch to the center entails cooling
down the populist rhetoric (which he borrowed from his
Democratic rivals) and emphasizing his "values." He
has done nothing as crass as when Clinton left the campaign
trail in 1992 to return to Arkansas for the execution
of a mentally disabled convict. Kerry, a former prosecutor,
opposes capital punishment.
Sure, it
would be better for Democrats if their man charged up
the voters. But Democratic primary voters anointed a
fellow who reassures more than inspires. ... [But]...
asking Kerry to be bolder is like asking Bush to be
smarter. The Democrats would likely crush Bush if Kerry
exuded Clintonesque charisma and had people yapping
at the water cooler about his great new ideas for creating
high-wage jobs, strengthening the country's social fabric,
making the United States safe and ending the war in
Iraq. That's not going to happen. Still, Kerry has more
to offer--in qualities and ideas--than many other prominent
Democrats. If he doesn't convey that fully, it is up
to others to do so. Back To
Top
VOTE
FOR KERRY
"The
Lizard Strategy," by Ricardo Levins Morales .
Source:
zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=33&ItemID=5831
EXCERPTS
"Now we get
to go out and lie to our members once again," a union
staffer recently complained to me. She was referring
to the 2004 presidential election, and her frustration
is understandable. Like most of organized labor she,
and her union, are convinced that the Bush administration
must go, and that the only way to make that happen is
to persuade their members, and millions of traditional
non-voters, that Senator John Kerry represents their
interests. This is a thankless and difficult task since,
like the sister says, it's a lie.
It's also
not very effective. What follows is a proposal for how
radicals and progressives can have an impact on the
2004 elections in the short run, while keeping our eyes
on long-term goals.
To take advantage
of the opportunities offered by the presidential race
we will have to view the political landscape with fresh
eyes and overcome ingrained habits. We will need to
intervene in the mainstream of U.S. politics, without
lying to our members....
The lesser-of-two-evils
approach seeks to stem the erosion of people's rights,
resources, and the environment by supporting the candidate
likely to cause the least damage. It also hopes that
we can pressure a leader whom we helped elect to at
least respond to our concerns in a way that a more openly
hostile politician would not. Each of these strategies
emphasizes one side of the present/future equation,
often at the expense of the other.
Who Wins?
Do We Care? Let's start by looking at the short-term
side of the equation. Is it important that Bush be defeated?
This is by no means an obvious question. President Bush
has managed to shatter the credibility of the U.S. Empire.
Along with it has gone the illusion of U.S. military
superiority equals invincibility (and that in a uni-polar
world!) This has had repercussions on many fronts, including
a growing resistance on the part of small nations to
the free-trade globalization juggernaut. His aggressiveness
has unleashed an unprecedented global anti-war movement
and undermined the recruitment ability of the U.S. military.
For those of us who do not share the vision of a triumphal
United States Empire, these are not negative achievements.
On the other hand the Bush crowd is convinced that its
mandate comes from God, and would take an election victory
(however slim) as a green light to pursue its reckless
ambitions. This has the potential to cause tremendous
human and ecological devastation.
The Democrat,
John Kerry, is a reactionary career politician with
a history of accepting labor support while undermining
our interests. He supported Clinton's draconian "Welfare
Reform", has been a champion of corporate "Free Trade"
treaties; and is committed to escalating the illegal
war in Iraq (and dragging the United Nations deeper
into it). He supported the repressive Patriot Act and
the march to war. A Kerry presidency would work to rebuild
the unity of the "international community" (a euphemism
for an ugly consortium of neo-colonial nations)....
In this context,
to speak in terms of lesser or greater evils is not
clarifying. What we have are different mixes of dangers
and opportunities. Bush could cause greater short-term
damage and Kerry could engineer a more stable long-term
system of plunder. This holds true across a whole range
of issues from civil liberties to affirmative action
to war to the environment. The Republicans drive an
SUV and the Democrats drive a compact but they're going
the same way. Clinton and Gore were able to stymie or
roll back environmental protections (suffice to mention
PCBs, toxic dumping in the oceans, pesticides in baby
foods, dioxins in paper processing, oil rights in nature
preserves, climate change and logging federal lands)
because they were assumed to be environmentalists.
The most
important reason for making the removal of Bush a priority
has to do with our relationship to our sisters and brothers
in struggle around the world. Public opinion polls across
the planet show deep opposition to the direction of
international developments, and identify U.S. policies
as the driving force behind them. Many are watching
our elections for a sign as to whether we support Bush's
agenda. Why does this matter?...
If we appear
to give our endorsement to the regime, we will seem
to confirm the second world view and encourage the advocates
of "holy war". The implications of this view can be
seen in the rubble of the World Trade Center....
If Bush wins,
the fact that Kerry is cut from similar cloth is not
likely to survive the translation. If the Democrats
and third parties together outpoll Bush and yet he wins
by plurality, it will be the simple fact of his win
that will be talked of in the markets of Karachi and
the taxis of Cairo. The political choices we make (including,
but not limited to voting) must always take into account
our fellow subjects outside the walls....
If our short
term goal is to remove Bush through the election then
(barring the unforeseen) it will require Kerry's ascension.
However this does not require joining the Democratic
campaign or endorsing its illusions. Much effort is
being put into progressive voter registration campaigns.
These target the millions of potential voters who have
remained outside of the electoral process until now.
Many are young people, people of color, poor folk and
recent immigrants. They are the people who have not
viewed the ballot as greatly affecting the problems
of concern to them. The Democratic Party chose Kerry
because he was considered "electable." That is to say,
that it would be difficult for the White House to attack
him from the right. In selecting a colorless right wing
candidate, they have chosen someone not likely to inspire
the marginalized populations who could determine the
outcome of the election. Even registering large numbers
of potential voters is no guarantee that they will turn
out on November 2. Kerry is facing a ruthless campaign
operation that is capable of damaging his image considerably
before the election. His reactionary politics and slippery
stands will be particularly damaging with young people.
They are the age group with the lowest voter turnout
and are particularly sensitive to hypocrisy.
The strategy
of mainstream labor and liberal groups consists of promoting
the message "Kerry Good, Bush Bad!" This requires papering
over how far to the right the Democratic Party has gone....
The following
proposal is inspired by the Louisiana governor's race
of 1991. That year the Republican nomination was won
by David Duke, the former "Imperial Wizard" of the racist
Ku Klux Klan. Duke's neo-fascist politics galvanized
a grassroots opposition. Duke's opponent was the incumbent;
a corrupt, scandal-ridden machine politician. Governor
Edwin Edward's standing was so bad that it was not possible
to make a positive case for him. The opposition chose
instead to organize their campaign behind such slogans
as "Vote for the Lizard, Not the Wizard," while bumper
stickers reading "Vote for the Crook, It's Important,"
flew off the shelf. This permitted an ultimately successful
campaign that did not stoop to selling a bill of goods
to the rank and file voters. The message was that voting
for the incumbent was a tactical choice that did not
require promoting illusions about Edwards.
Adapting
it to the different conditions of the Kerry-Bush race,
what would be the implications of a Lizard Strategy?
...
It would
give an activist framework to Bush opponents who are
prepared to "hold their noses and vote."...
It would
allow people to effectively oppose Bush while stating
clearly their rejection of Kerry's opportunist politics....
A slogan
such as "Elect the Flake, Evict the Snake"would express
openly what many people feel....A Lizard campaign allows
us to disengage completely from Kerry and his politics.
Indeed it will elicit the open hostility of the Democratic
leadership and its allies. If the emergence of a significant
Lizard voting block...causes them to adjust their positions
then so be it, but it is not the goal of the strategy....
The stakes
in this campaign are high, although they do not fall
along the lines we are used to discussing. No matter
who is elected in the fall we must be prepared to confront
him with relentless organizing. We know that we will
be facing a President committed to imposing a puppet
government on Iraq which can only be pursued by expanding
a brutal and immoral occupation....
Much as we
should avoid exaggerating the differences between the
major parties, it also does not serve us to pretend
that the outcome of the race doesn't matter. The Bush
crowd has presented the world with an unabashed declaration
of supremacy and the world will see this election as
a referendum on that posture. Lacking a parliamentary
system we can only say no by rejecting Bush at the polls.
At the same
time we can honor our long term commitment to social
change with a campaign of independent mobilization that
summons the power of the disenfranchised to defeat Bush
without sowing illusions about the current, stacked
electoral system; and which opens the agenda to a significant
reassessment of that system. We must refuse on principle--now
and always --to lie to our people! To build real power
in our communities we must face today's dangers with
a commitment to honesty and respect for our people's
intelligence. We must organize for a future not of more
lessers and greater evils but of real hope and meaningful
change. Back To Top
DON'T
VOTE FOR KERRY
"Left
Politics and Posturing in the Presidential RaceThe Deed
or the Word," by Michael Hirsch .
Source:
zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=33&ItemID=5739
EXCERPTS
Voting is
a drag. John Kerry will get my vote in the November
elections, and I''ll give it with the same grudging,
wintry discontent that I did in the last two presidential
elections, when I backed Ralph Nader. In those races,
I made statements. Now I want to beat Bush.
But that's
not what this piece is about. It's not why a vote for
Kerry is inevitable in a year when Bush is vulnerable.
It's also not about renouncing my left-wing apostasy
or embracing sobering lessons learned in Florida in
2000. Because Nader did not singularly cost Gore the
election. It was Gore's inept campaign in Ohio, New
Hampshire, Nevada and states other than Florida that
cost Democrats the election, too....
Beyond the
facility of corporate Democrats to co-opt [social] movement
leaders into precinct captains or the fecklessness of
radicals to form lasting electoral and structural alternatives,
a centrist Democrat is sadly our last best shot for
ending the White House occupation because no social
movements are strong enough to move the country left....
Making the
case for Kerry is no slam-dunk. Problems with the Washington
fixture are palpable; they can be lined up and bowled
over like candlepins.* But even if Kerry is every bit
the political bastard his left detractors say he is,
he is ---- as FDR said of the senior Somoza ---- our
bastard, at least until Nov. 3. Until then, the anti-Bush
effort is well-worth building in its own right, if only
as realpolitik. It needn''t be dressed up by pounding
the iron necessity of beating Bush into a tin-plated
virtue. Kerry supporters don''t have to say the ridiculous
or the indefensible on his behalf....
If the pro-Kerry
folk tend to be unreflective or even somnolent about
how bad the situation is: that in 2004, amidst war,
joblessness and poverty, we soldier on and hopefully
elect another centrist Democrat, then the self-styled
revolutionary left's sin is to act like lemmings, as
though the sea were not instant death and Bush or Kerry
do not matter. The candidate of one socialist groupuscule
says he is running as "a voice for the international
working class in the 2004 U.S. elections." Even bullfrogs
don't puff themselves up that much. ...
Propagandizing
for a third party is harmless enough, especially if
you valorize consciousness raising and think elections
are an opportunity to peddle your wares. But using the
election as a chance to establish a franchise or operate
a fishing expedition to hook hapless Greens will be
criminal if it leads to a Bush suzerainty. Differences
like these won't get resolved by talking or fighting
from now until November. Instead of an arctic night
of long knives, I'd rather see activists working their
own sides of the street.
For those
who know Bush must be defeated in November, it means
stumping for Kerry. It means insisting that the social
movements have a voice and face in the campaign and
room to grow. It means running the ground war in media
markets where the emphasis by the party pros will be
on television saturation in the 17 battleground states.
It means focusing on local races, where a few dedicated
campaigners can make a difference in swinging control
of state houses or Congress.
In New York
City, for example, it means working in the long-shot
Frank Barbaro campaign in Brooklyn-Staten Island against
a hardcore right-winger who holds office in a district
that boasts the highest union-household density in the
nation. Or it could mean backing independent candidates
with a chance of winning and who deserve to win, like
Matt Gonzalez in San Francisco last year. Or at least
building for the future where such local candidates
can win.
After November,
leftists are going to need each other, unmaimed. If
nothing else, we can at least dial the thermostat down
and get to work. Anything else is a real mug's game.
* Here's
a short list [of problems with Kerry]: Kerry supported
NAFTA and the World Trade Organization. He joined Bill
Clinton in eviscerating public assistance. He hired
Rand Beers, boon companion of Bush critic and one-note
anti-terrorism Cassandra Richard Clarke and who worked
for Bush's National Security Council until last year,
as his foreign policy advisor. That might be a clever
campaign move, but it's indicative of just how narrow
gauged is American foreign policy debate. His stands
on the drug war and the Israeli occupation will be only
slightly more grounded than Bush''s. Nor will he be
no less indebted to corporate interests: Kerry's $115
million raised by mid-May pales in comparison to Bush's
$200 million money machine. Despite support from Howard
Dean, Kerry cannot expect to tap into the breadth of
small contributions from the aptly named Deaniacs, though
almost a third of Kerry''s total has been raised through
the Web.
His health
care proposals are a fudge ---- health care transmutes
into "health coverage" and back again, on all his literature.
If a single-payer health plan emerges, it won''t come
from a Kerry administration, but because employers resist
paying huge health care costs and unions refuse cutbacks,
not because Kerry will lead or the corporations will
come to their senses and turn on the insurance industry.
The only special interests he is likely to stand up
to are unions, the poor, and the uninsured.
There also
isn't a startling small amount of daylight between Kerry
and Bush even on campaign issues. As the Washington
Post recently noted. Both say they would preserve
tax breaks while limiting non-military spending. Both
prize halving the deficit. Both sell themselves as studiously
pro-business and as backers of the Federal Reserve''s
monetary policies. Cultural issues aside, both are tailoring
their campaigns to the centrist voter in the battleground
states. Back To Top
DON'T
VOTE FOR KERRY
"Why
I will not vote in 2004," by Carolyn Baker.
Source:
onlinejournal.com/Commentary/050704Baker
EXCERPTS
The life of the nation is secure only while the nation
is honest, truthful and virtuous.----Frederick
Douglass
On Monday,
the California Secretary of State nixed all electronic,
touch-screen voting in the state and called for the
criminal prosecution of the Diebold Company. For those
who have been researching the questionable practices
of Diebold and the potential manipulation of electronic
voting (Black Box Voting and Wired News), California's
decision appears to be a victory for American democracy
but does not necessarily herald hope for clean elections
in November, since overwhelming evidence suggests that
conflicts of interest permeate the relationship between
electronic voting machine companies throughout the nation
and Republican politicians....
If there
is an election in November 2004, and it is
not absolutely certain there will be...I am not willing
to vote unless I can have a paper receipt verifying
my vote. This is not possible in the state where I reside.
"But why
don't you vote absentee?" the reader may ask. Because
in a similar manner, absentee ballots can be tampered
with as they were in Florida in 2000....
While absentee
voting may decrease the odds of tampering, voter fraud
itself is not the principal issue for me. For most of
my adult life, I have been faced with "choices" that
are not choices when voting for political leaders. More
egregiously than ever before in U.S. history, the candidates
for president in 2004 are not choices but clones....
At this moment, however, our "choice" is between the
cowboy and the cadaver----both marinated in Zionism
and special interest skullduggery. The abhorrent reality
that someone like Kerry could receive the Democratic
Party's nomination blatantly demonstrates the depths
of depravity to which it has sunk.
Consequently,
I have come to abhor the mindless mantra "Anybody But
Bush." While John Kerry is not a neoconservative nor
a co-author of the Project For A New American Century
(PNAC), he does espouse global economic domination by
the United States. Moreover, on virtually every momentous
issue, Kerry is an echo of neocon madness: He supports
the War on Terror, including sending more troops to
Iraq; he voted for the Iraq invasion; he voted for the
USA PATRIOT Act; he states that "the cause of Israel
must be the cause of America;" he opposes the democratically-elected
opponent of U.S. imperialism in Venezuela, Hugo Chavez;
he has no problem with the recent U.S. backed coup in
Haiti nor the militarization of space. In 2000, after
Senator Barbara Boxer (D-CA) introduced a labeling law
that would have given Americans the right to know whether
the foods they ate contained genetically modified organisms,
Kerry refused to support that bill. Why? Gee, could
it be that Monsanto Corporation lawyers have contributed
generously to his senatorial campaigns from 1997 through
2000? Kerry's national security advisor, Rand Beers,
has been deeply involved in the toxic defoliation programs
(compliments of Monsanto) in Colombia, one of the countries
the Bush administration is planning to invade and occupy
in its so-called War on Terrorism (translation: non-war
on drugs and for oil.
While I could
cite evidence ad nauseum of the Bush-Kerry
clone syndrome, even that is not my ultimate reason
for refusing to vote in 2004. Anybody But Bush (ABB)
enthusiasts argue that although Kerry is an echo of
the Bushonian cacophony, he will give us a pro-choice
agenda and appoint more balanced judges to the Supreme
Court, which Bush intends to pack with Scalia clones.
That the ABB adherents could have such unswerving faith
in their cosmetically-improved Bush carbon-copy to steer
the ship of state in a decisively less fascistic direction,
particularly in the face of all evidence to the contrary,
is both astonishing and predictable. Make no mistake:
John Kerry, like his Democratic predecessor, Bill Clinton,
is a corporate globalist. Neocon in denial? Imperialist
more marketably packaged?
Yet even
this is not the quintessential reason why I will not
vote in November. Like the rest of my generation, I
was assiduously schooled in the virtue of doing my civic
duty----casting my ballot on election day or facing
four years of guilt and shame attended by clichÉÉs
about not complaining if I didn't vote....All of that
has changed for me in 2000 and has continued to change
throughout the past three years.
Suddenly,
the reprehensible extent to which the voting process
had become an atrociously rigged game jolted me from
my teddy bear notions about free, fair, and valid elections
in America. Sadly yet indisputably, I became no longer
willing to play in a rigged game----no longer capable
of espousing "lesser evilism." My vote, you see, is
far too sacred to me. But worse, and this is
my point, I now know that in America, we are not heading
into fascism, not about to enter fascism, not
on the verge of fascism----we are living
under fascism. Today, it is incontrovertibly clear
to me that my vote has as much meaning as the votes
of Germans under Hitler, Russians under Stalin and Mexicans
under seven decades of the PRI Party....
As an American,
it is my divine right, to vote in a clean election
with a paper record of my vote for a valid candidate
who offers an authentic choice for leadership of my
government. Therefore, were I to vote, I would disavow
my commitment to the kind of America our founding fathers
constructed, the kind of America for which men and women
fought and died and marched and struggled since 1776.
Hence, the most patriotic American act I can perform
on November 4, 2004, is to stay as far away from the
polls and inform as many other Americans as possible
of the realities of the totalitarian state in which
they reside.
Moreover,
I have come to understand that if American citizens
have any hope of transforming their government, they
must not rely on voting every two, four, or
six years at the polls, but rather vote every day with
their time and money by refusing to consume media that
is lying to them, refusing to patronize corporations
that are enslaving them and refusing to participate
in a phony electoral charade that drives their nation
deeper into fascism. In other words, boycott the system
in every manner humanly possible, and above all, do
not collude in the lie that any part of it works on
our behalf! ...
I refuse
to live the lie called "democratic elections" in the
United States in 2004 and thereby join, in the words
of Benjamin Franklin, those who have "become so corrupted
as to need despotic Government, being incapable of any
other." If you are still considering voting for "the
lesser evil," ask yourself exactly how much despotic
government you still need, and why you need
it. Back To Top
VOTE
NADER
Ralph's
Revolt: A Discussion with Greg Bates
(Greg
Bates [GB] is the author of the new book, Ralph's Revolt:
The Case for Joining Nader's Rebellion. Bates recently
spoke with Joshua Frank [JF] about his upcoming book,
the elections, and the future of progressive politics
in America.)
Source:
zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=33&ItemID=5812
EXCERPTS
GB: The key
myths about his run that I wanted to debunk are:
1. A vote
for Nader is a vote for Bush.
2. We should
hold off on a third party run for now.
3. Nader
is an egomaniac
4. We can
reform the Democratic Party from within.
5. A Kerry
presidency will be better.
6. Kerry
had to move right.
7. Kerry
will be more receptive to pressure from social movements
than Bush is...
JF: Do you
not see any substantive differences between John Kerry
and Bush? Many progressives argue that if Kerry is elected,
even if he is just 'Bush-lite', he will at least give
us a little 'wiggle room' to push for genuine change,
whereas with another four years of Bush we have no chance
of that. In your book you don't seem to buy this argument.
What are your reasons?...
GB: We fervently
WANT to believe there are solid differences. Progressives
and liberals don't want 4 more years of Bush; they want
to believe they will get something better in Kerry.
But it's best to drop how we want to see the situation
in order to perceive it as accurately as possible.
[Kerry] advocated
going into Iraq over WMDs -- in 1998. On that front,
he beat Bush by several years and, crucially, was arguing
the case BEFORE the pretext of the war on terror. Today
he says, "I do not fault George Bush for doing too much
in the war on terror. I believe he's done too little."
That tells me I can't hope Kerry will better on this
critical issue....
If we are
going to lose the election to Bush (a very real possibility
independent of Nader), regaining the House and Senate
are vital secondary goals. And having Nader out there
could draw more voters to the polls (both those in favor
and those opposed to him) who would then vote for Democrats
in the House and Senate....
So what are
the differences [between Bush and Kerry]? Answer: I
don't really think they are knowable. Are they significant?
Probably. How significant? I don't know and I don't
think anyone can tell us because Kerry is moving right
quickly.
Will those
differences give us more wiggle room? That's essentially
what Howard Zinn focuses on when he says "I don't have
faith in Kerry changing, but with Kerry there is a possibility
that a powerful social movement might change him. With
Bush, no chance."
We would
do well to ask, how powerful would that movement have
to be to change him? On some issues like civil rights
and other domestic ones, success might be relatively
attainable. But on war? Consider what it took to protest
the last Democratic president persecuting a war, Lyndon
Johnson during Vietnam. Some activists burned themselves
to death in an attempt to shake the foundations. Years
of people protesting on the streets, etc. A crisis of
democracy. And Johnson left rather than submit....
Many social
movements... succeed by building up such intense force
that the costs of continuing whatever the policy is
becomes greater than the cost of giving in. With war,
we will have to raise the cost very high through a social
movement -- regardless of whether it is Bush or Kerry
in office.
Perhaps because
I suffer from looking through the same rose colored
glasses, I too think there are differences between Bush
and Kerry. I hope Kerry wins. But I want his leash as
short as possible. We may have more wiggle room in a
Kerry presidency if he can see we are building ever
more serious electoral challenges with each cycle.
The problem
with the strategy of elect him first and then pressure
him is that he will view his electoral strategy of moving
right as a success -- how else could he view it? And
so he'll be set to move right again. In that scenario
of a large Kerry victory, social movements will have
a tougher time pressuring him than they will if he can
also see a large group of his constituents defecting...
Kerry has
made it completely clear over many years on many issues
that he has zero receptivity to international law. What
makes you think he'll be receptive to social movements?...
How can we
get the Neocons out of office? Kerry could run a campaign
like Nader's designed to infuse passion in voters and
get out the vote to pick a candidate genuinely working
for their interests and for justice. That's not Kerry.
He is running against a president who, if re-elected,
will have won with lower approval ratings this close
to the election than any incumbent in history. If Kerry
can't win a landslide in these conditions, we need to
point the finger not at Nader, but at Kerry and the
strategy of running to the right. The responsibility
for the support Nader is getting is Kerry's. "The stakes
are too high," argues the Naderfactor.com website opposed
to Nader's bid. Most progressives agree. How is it,
then, that Nader is polling so high even as his one
time celebrity supporters have abandoned him or remained
silent? The answer is it is the Kerry factor, not the
Nader factor. Could it be that there are a few people
who, in the midst of a war, want to vote against it?...
GB: I find
it appalling that we have a situation where Democrats
-- who represent the party of the people -- are desperately
trying to cut off choice for voters while Republicans
are trying to widen it. Fighting for ballot access is
the right thing to do; it matters little what people's
motivations are for doing it. So I support those Republicans,
along with anyone else, who are working toward Nader's
access.
The whole
premise of the argument that Nader should disavow those
on the right fighting for his ballot access is this:
if voters get access, we can't trust them to make rational
decisions. But the minute we decide what choices the
voters should be allowed, we start working for the wrong
side.
One person
who heard this argument from me responded by saying,
look, "the fascists are inside the gates; this is no
time for philosophy." Putting aside the issue of whether
Bush = fascist, it's aligned with George Bush's position.
Replace the word "fascist" with the "terrorist" and
it's his argument for curtailing democracy: We have
to stop democracy because the terrorists are inside
the gates. Progressives reject this argument when Bush
makes it. I believe we should be consistent and reject
it whenever anyone makes it.
I believe
we have to strengthen democracy -- get dialog going
among voters, widen their choices on the ballot, empower
them by treating them as equal to ourselves, and build
social movements....
Isn't 3rd
party campaigning in swing states too dangerous? I believe
candidates should run, and leave to the voters the decision
of strategy. It's my choice, as a swing state voter,
whether I vote Nader, Cobb, stay home, or vote Kerry.
It's not up to Nader or any other candidate to choose
for me. Those who suggest that Nader should throw all
his support behind Kerry at the last minute, just don't
want to argue with the voters, and seek to avoid doing
so by asking Nader to make the choice. It's demeaning,
as a swing state voter, to hear others imply by their
advocacy for running in safe states only, that I shouldn't
have the choice....
The choice
between Kerry who helped kill 500,000 children in Iraq
with his approval of sanctions, Bush who would like
to if we just give him 4 more years, and Nader who wants
a just foreign policy should be obvious....
JF: One last
question: If Bush is re-elected because Nader threw
the election to Kerry, how will you feel the morning
after? Even if you claim Kerry lost it himself by not
pandering to progressive voters, won't that stigma still
damage third party efforts in the future?
GB: I don't
think we should act solely based on how people might
perceive the act. In this case, I wouldn't worry about
stigmatizing third party efforts, and just do what seems
right: running an antiwar candidate in the middle of
a war seems unobjectionable to me.
Second, if
it seems as if Nader voters in swing states threw the
vote, we'd have to examine that carefully. Would they
have voted for Kerry in the absence of Nader? Let's
suppose that too is true. Then there is the question
of what is the political landscape. If Repubs still
control both houses and the presidency, that would be
bad.
But even
in that outcome, we should assess the reasons instead
of heaping blame on Nader. Was it voters just couldn't
stomach Kerry? Did they miscalculate and think they
wouldn't throw the election? Either is a strong message
to the Democrats: turn around! My guess is that such
an outcome would signal the growth of disenfranchised
progressives who aren't willing to cooperate with the
lesser evil strategy no matter how great the greater
evil is. Democrats -- and progressives -- need to then
ask, how should we respond to this constituency? Blaming
them or who they vote for will likely prove an ineffective
response.
In any case,
I will feel that voters got to make their choice. If
this becomes the start of permanent serious third party
runs, it will mean that the Democrats will have to get
used to not being the only game in town. That could
have a very positive long-term outcome, possibly waking
them up in time to change strategies for the midterm
elections in 2006.... Back
To Top
VOTE
FOR NADER
"A
letter to the Black Caucus from a Black woman living
in SouthCentral"by
Donna J. Warren .
(Donna
J. Warren is the Green Party candidate for lieutenant
governor of California in 2002. She sued the CIA and
the Department of Justice in 1998 for their complicity
in the destruction of South Central by crack cocaine."
Source:
sf.indymedia.org/news/2004/07/1699520.php
"We respect
your right to run, Mr. Nader. Withdraw." - Elijah Cummings,
chair of the Congressional Black Caucus of the United
States House of Representatives
To Rep. Cummings
and members of the Black Caucus,
You demanded
independent candidates Ralph Nader and Peter Camejo
withdraw from the presidential race in favor of NAFTA
approving, Iraq invading, Afghanistan bombing, Sudanese
pharmaceutical plant bombing, right-wing Israeli prime
minister and murderer Ariel Sharon supporting, impeachment
of George W. Bush for the forced removal of democratically
elected President Jean Bertrand Aristide refusing, and
mandatory minimum sentencing supporting - John Kerry.
Kerry's contempt
for human rights, international law, arms control and
the United Nations is unforgivable.
"Anyone but
Bush" was your cry when Nader and Camejo visited your
offices in late June. But let's be honest - when Bush
delivered lie after lie after lie during his state of
the union addresses, it was the Democrats who stood
and clapped. The Democrats made the monster George Bush!
You don't
challenge the Democrats and Republicans in their abdication
of our communities, but you challenge Nader and Camejo
for fighting for our communities. During your meeting,
you condemned Nader for choosing Camejo, who speaks
Spanish fluently, because you fear Malcolm X's friend
will take away your brown votes!
Peter Camejo
changed the minds and hearts of Californians to oppose
California's horrendous Three Strikes law during his
campaign for governor. Three Strikes imprisons African
Americans 12 to 1 for every white person for the same
non-violent crime.
What have
you done for us?
Does it matter
to you that your constituents are hurt by redlining,
lead-based paint poisoning, predatory lending, pay day
loan rackets, and dirty meat? It matters to Ralph Nader.
Does it matter
to you that student Nader challenged Harvard University
when they published the lie that Blacks are inferior
to whites? It matters to me.
Does it matter
to you that only Nader campaigned in Ward 8 of the District
of Columbia, exposing that 65,000 people live without
a single supermarket, yet the District of Columbia has
had Black mayors and a Black city council for the last
35 years? It matters to your constituents.
What are
you afraid of? That Nader and Camejo may "mess up your
little party" because they advocate for Black Americans
and you don't.
"Anyone but
Bush" is your mantra. But even if Bush self-destructs,
how can you support John Kerry without demanding a mandate?
Corporate interests pull the Democrats 24 hours a day.
Without a mandate to pull John Kerry in a progressive
direction, there's no way you can demand equity. You
told Ralph Nader you wanted him out of the race so Bush
can't appoint another right-winger to the Supreme Court,
but let's look at the record.
Kerry promises
to appoint anti-abortion judges while professing to
protect a woman's right to choose.
The Senate
Democrats confirmed right-wing Supreme Court Judge Antonin
Scalia 98-0. Not one Democratic senator, including Gore,
opposed Scalia.
The Democrats
could have blocked right-wing Supreme Court Judge Clarence
Thomas' confirmation - they were in control of the Senate
- but 11 Democrats moved across the line to confirm
Thomas 52-48 while Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell
sat in his office twirling his thumbs.
You don't
stop anything that hurts us!
You could
have filibustered the tax cut for the wealthy, but you
didn't.
You could
have demanded gas efficient car engines, but instead
you sanctioned the SUV and gave the auto companies an
eight-year holiday without requiring better gas efficiency.
You could
have opposed genetically engineering foods, the petroleum
industry, and the WTO, but you didn't.
You could
have opposed the federal crime bill which imprisons
drug addicts for the drugs our government allowed to
flow into the inner cities, but you didn't.
You could
have opposed the "leave no child behind high stake multiple
testing fraud," but instead you chose to sacrifice our
children.
You could
have said "no" to the Patriot Act, but you didn't.
You don't
represent me!
In 2000,
Congressman Julian Dixon sold me out like a $2 dollar
whore when, as ranking member of the House Judiciary
Committee, he announced the CIA was not complicit in
the destruction of the inner cities by crack cocaine.
I'm tired of being sold out like a $2 dollar whore by
Black people living the good life as my representative
in our nation's capitol.
Thomas Paine
said in the 1700s: "If there must be trouble, let it
be in my day, that my child may have peace." Ralph Nader
and Peter Camejo are voices taking on the trouble of
our day so that we and future generations may have peace.
Get off your
knees and demand the Democrats stop sabotaging the Nader-Camejo
Campaign. Demand Ralph Nader and Peter Camejo be included
in the debates. Don't go down like a punk. Remember
the ancestors and stand tall! Sincerely,
Donna
J. Warren, a constituent. Back
To Top
DON'T
VOTE FOR NADER
"About
The Nader Factor"
Source:
thenaderfactor.com
The Nader
Factor is dedicated to building a dynamic grassroots
community of former Nader voters, Nader supporters,
progressive Democrats and others who are uniting to
change the destructive White House policies.
The stakes
are extraordinarily high. As former Kucinich aide Jeff
Cohen said, ""it''s not about Coke vs. Pepsi."" There
are real, fundamental differences between Democratic
policies and Republican policies. George Bush and his
radical right wing agenda are destroying our country.
We believe
the Democratic Party needs moderates, independents,
Dean Democrats, Clark Democratsand most importantly,
a new wing - Nader Democrats.
Mission:
To be honest
about the impact Nader will have. We'll keep folks up
to date on polls and other key news and developments
about the Nader factor. And, we'll talk about the real,
fundamental and stark differences between the Democrats
and Republicans.
To harness
that power. We are going to work hard to reach-out,
to change minds, to create a real interactive community
where a new wing of the Democratic party - Nader Democrats
- can help change the direction of this country and
the policies of our party. Whether its television ads,
blogs, or carrier pigeons -- we will use any means to
create this new movement and force for change.
And channel
it. Let there be no doubt, in the end, this group has
one goal -- to bring progressive change to America.
Our Open
Letter...
To Concerned
Progressives:
In 2004,
the stakes are high. Progressives, liberals, and all
Democrats must stand together against the dangerous,
extremist policies of the Bush Administration. All of
the issues we care about -- a clean environment, a sensible
foreign policy, fair trade practices, corporate responsibility
and civil liberties -- will continue to be undermined
if we are divided. Ralph Nader and his many supporters
can make the difference in the fight to change our country...but
only if we fight together.
And as we
all now know, the Bush Administration has led to the
destruction of the environment, the disregarding of
international agreements, a war based on deceptions,
a tax-policy that has caused record deficits and an
assault on the rights of women, minorities, gays and
lesbians. Democrats and Progressives need to come together
now to fight for the issues we care about. Indeed, George
Bush and Karl Rove are dreaming of a divided opposition.
I am writing
to ask you to become involved in a new, groundbreaking
political organization designed to reach out to past
Nader voters and progressive Americans in opposition
to George Bush's radical extremist agenda. Through the
website www.TheNaderFactor.com, we are reaching out
to former Nader supporters, progressive activists, and
concerned Democrats to help with this important effort.
The goal
of www.TheNaderFactor.com is to build a dynamic grassroots
community of former Nader voters, Nader supporters,
progressive Democrats and others who are want to unite
to change destructive White House policies. We will
1) create an online community to make the voice of progressives
heard by the Democrats 2) raise funds for TV and Radio
ads in targeted states and 3) work to unite the opposition
to George Bush's right wing agenda. The simple fact
is this: if Democrats and Nader Progressives are dividedthe
issues we mutually care about will suffer.
David Jones,
John Hlinko, Chris Kofinis and Karl Frisch and I have
launched this effort. Karl and I worked on Governor
Howard Dean''s historic run for the Presidency. John
and Chris started the DraftWesleyClark movement and
David has led finance efforts for Congressmen Dick Gephardt
and Charlie Rangel, Senators Tom Harkin, President Clinton,
and Vice President Gore.
Go to www.TheNaderFactor.com
today and join the movement to unite the opposition
to George Bush''s destructive agenda.
Sincerely,
Tricia Enright
President. Back To Top
DON'T
VOTE FOR NADER
"Nader
a point of contention Parties debate his participation,"
by Brendan Farrington.
Source:
sunherald.com/mld/sunherald/news/politics/9066484.htm
Ralph Nader
could make the difference in Florida again this year
- if he gets on the ballot.
It's clear
Democrats don't want him there as John Kerry tries to
defeat President Bush in a state that could go either
way. Now Republicans are launching political attacks
on Democrats for their desire to keep Nader from being
a factor.
When Nader
first got in the race in February, Florida Democratic
Party Chairman Scott Maddox said he would be watching
carefully Nader's efforts to get on the ballot and mount
a challenge if he doesn't precisely follow Florida law.
After reiterating
those thoughts this week, his counterpoint at the Republican
Party of Florida issued a press release titled "Let
Ralph Run!"
"In their
desperation, the Democrats want to limit the choices
of Florida voters in the November election and, ironically,
disenfranchise the very voters that they are unsuccessfully
attempting to win over," state Republican Chairwoman
Carole Jean Jordan said in the release.
Maddox fired
back Thursday, saying Republicans only defend election
laws when it benefits them.
"We should
not be surprised that once again the Republican Party
is advocating not adhering to our election laws," Maddox
said."As long as (Nader) follows the law, then we won't
quarrel with his right to be on the ballot, but we are
going to require that he dots his i's and crosses his
t's and follows the law, and I don't think that's unreasonable."
Jordan said
it's not that Republicans want Nader on the ballot,
but rather the matter should be handled by Florida's
Division of Elections and not political parties.
"That's their
job and I think they do it extremely well," Jordan said
Thursday, adding that Democrats "should spend their
resources propping up their abysmal, flip-flopping candidate."
A recent
poll of likely Florida voters showed Bush and Kerry
had the backing of 43 percent apiece in a three-way
matchup with Nader, who had the support of 5 percent.
Without the consumer advocate on the ballot, Kerry had
46 percent and Bush 44 percent.
Maddox said
point-blank he doesn't want Nader on the ballot.
"Of course
not. Ralph Nader is going to act simply as a spoiler,
and he does not have a legitimate shot at winning the
presidency," Maddox said.
A Nader
spokesman didn't immediately return calls. Back
To Top
DON'T
VOTE/
"Mass
Refusal"
Source:
massrefusal.org; newdemocracyworld.org
Our government
sent 160,000 troops to invade and occupy Iraq in a war
based on lies. The Democratic Party and the media have
been fully complicit in this criminal aggression. Meanwhile
the government makes war on working-class Americans.
It gives tax cuts to the wealthy, attacks pensions and
health care, and ships jobs overseas.
This war
exposes the huge chasm between our system and real democracy.
In a real democracy, people would be truthfully informed,
not systematically lied to, by their government. We
would be encouraged to debate peace and war fully. Our
young people would not be sent to murder other innocent
people in the name of "liberating" them.
We live in
a fake democracy, a government of the rich, by the rich,
and for the rich.
Now the
rulers are using the 2004 presidential campaign to keep
us from seriously questioning the system from which
have sprung this and countless other wars and social
wrongs, pretending that electing Dean or Kerry or Kucinich
will change society. The elections are designed to create
an illusion of democracy to prevent real democracy from
emerging.
Politicians
are front-men for the system. To challenge the system
we need to take away the system's lifeblood: the illusion
of democracy. We need to refute the lie that our government
represents us. Therefore we call for Mass Refusal to
Vote in the 2004 presidential elections.
LOOK TO THE
PEOPLE
We the people
are constantly told to look to politicians and officials
as the force for change. We are encouraged to be passive
consumers, not informed actors shaping society. But
to make real change, we must look to ourselves and each
other as the source of political power.
In a movement
for Mass Refusal to Vote and real democracy, we can
find in ourselves and friends and communities the power
to move mountains and the vision for a better world.
TAKE THE
PLEDGE
Because we
live in a fake democracy run by war criminals and servants
of giant corporations;
Because our
government attacks the values and livelihood of ordinary
people; Because the Republicans and Democrats collaborated
to bring about a war of aggression;
Because the
elections provide only the illusion of democracy;
Because democratic
change will only come about through a mobilized people;
I
agree not to vote in the 2004 presidential election
and work instead for real democracy. Back
To Top
DON'T
VOTE
"Refuse
To Vote For President In 2004," by John Spritzler
Source:
massrefusal.org; newdemocracyworld.org
EXCERPTS
The dynamics
of the 2004 Presidential election are presently throwing
the anti-war movement in the United States into disarray.
Very few people who participated in the big anti-war
demonstrations last year, and who have paid close attention
to the actual statements of Howard Dean and the other
candidates, are at all enthusiastic about any presidential
candidate that they also think has a chance to win in
2004. Everybody is asking the same question Lenni Brenner
posed in his January 8 CounterPunch article, Dean
Hits the Demagoguery Pedal...Hard: "So what do
we do? Boycott the election? Vote for one of the above?
If so, which one? Or does it matter?"
If we think
carefully about what we are trying to accomplish, and
compare it to what we would in fact accomplish by following
the "anybody but Bush" logic in the 2004 presidential
election, it becomes clear that the election is a trap
and the Democratic party is the bait.
First, what
are we trying to accomplish? We want to stop our government
from killing people around the world to strengthen the
power of the wealthiest people on the planet. Our strength
to affect what the government does comes from our ability
to expose government lies and speak the truth clearly,
to demonstrate that large numbers of people oppose the
government's attacks on foreign peoples, and to carry
out mass actions of protest that force government leaders
to stop attacking people abroad or risk losing control
of the American people at home.
No matter
which Democratic candidate we line up behind, we will
end up helping our rulers convince the American people
that our government's attacks on foreign people are
a GOOD thing. Why is this? Because all of the politicians
seeking the Democratic Party nomination (seven of them
at the time of this writing) have foreign policy positions
that facilitate such attacks, their campaign rhetoric
is designed to prevent Americans from understanding
what our government is really doing to people around
the world, and we dare not dispute what "our man" tells
the public because that would only hurt his chances
of winning the election.
The Democratic
candidates are not "lesser evils"; they are different
evils. They want to militarily occupy Iraq, just not
with what Kerry calls the "stigma of foreign occupation."
Keeping in mind that Clinton, relying on the U.N. and
NATO, killed a million innocent Iraqis and many Serb
civilians, the "use the U.N. and NATO" foreign policies
of the Democrats could quite possibly result in more
innocent deaths than George W. Bush was able to inflict
with his unilateral approach.
The logic
of "anybody but Bush" is not only to support the Democratic
nominee, but to tone down our own criticisms of Bush,
lest we scare away votes for our man. For example, when
Michael Moore, during his speech supporting General
Clark, accused Bush of being a Vietnam deserter, the
media attacked Clark for not denouncing Moore. Lesson:
to get your man elected, don't embarrass him with sharp
attacks on Bush.
If the anti-war
movement backs the Democratic Party, and it wins the
election, we will have set the anti-war movement back
by many years, because all of our earlier work to show
the world that American foreign policy has no legitimate
claim to represent the will of the American people will
have been undermined. The new President's foreign policy,
whether the troops are officially U.S., U.N. or NATO,
will be sanctified as the "will of all the American
people, even those who opposed Bush's Iraq war."
Ouch! And this is the best we can hope for
if we fall for the elections trap. This is what happens
if the Democratic candidate wins. No matter which way
the election goes, the result will be an even more demoralized
anti-war movement.
There is
a much better alternative, one proposed by New Democracy
(see MassRefusal.org.) We can refuse to vote in the
2004 presidential election, and tell the world why.
Instead of holding our noses and unenthusiastically
telling people to vote for a different evil, we can
engage in a unified action that focuses public attention
on the root of the problem -- a foreign policy that
attacks ordinary people to benefit the wealthy. We can
have actions during the election that continue to do
what we did earlier -- tell the truth about who controls
U.S. foreign policy and what their real aims are. We
can have public debates and teach-ins (like those that
helped force the government to pull out of Vietnam).
We can have small discussions with our friends and neighbors
(like campaign "coffees") and we can go to the polls
on election day with literature that tells the truth.
Doing these things will give the anti-war movement a
real presence with a strong message, not one rendered
incoherent by the need to defend the Democratic Party
candidate's praise for the U.N. or NATO or Ambassador
Bremmer. It will rekindle our confidence in each other,
win more people to our side on the basis of a principled
position, and enable us to think about building on this
strength after the election. We can expand mass refusal
to vote for President of the Empire into mass refusal
to do the Empire's bidding: refusal of young people
to enlist in its military, refusal of workers to produce
its weapons, refusal of teachers and journalists to
pretend to believe its lies, and refusal across the
board to let it turn the economic screws on us in its
attempt to make us more insecure and controllable. This
is how to build a movement that connects all of the
dots, that has real hope and enthusiasm, and that can
win. Back To Top